Thug Rúnaí Misneach, Kerron Ó Luain, óráid uaidh ag comhdháil dár dteideal “Winning Our Futures” a d’eagraigh ICEC agus an Radical Independence Convention i nDún Éideann ar an 5ú Deireadh Fómhair. Tháinig ionadaithe as 15 náisiún atá faoi chois nó gan stát san Eoraip le chéile chun dul i mbun plé stráitéiseach faoi thodhchaí na Mór Roinne.

Móran taing, go raibh míle maith agaibh, thank you, for your invitation to speak on Ireland’s past, present, and future. Over the next few minutes, I’ll provide an overview of the key issues shaping the nation’s trajectory.

Ireland’s history is deeply intertwined with colonization, especially from the sixteenth century onwards when it became a testing ground for British imperialism. English policies aimed to suppress Irish language, culture, and political autonomy. The “plantation” policies, for instance, displaced native Irish populations, and in schools, Irish children were subjected to indoctrination, such as reciting verses that celebrated being “a happy English child.” The goal was clear: to either assimilate or eradicate Irish identity.

The British were only partially successful as various forms of resistance emerged over time—some militant, some constitutional, and others focused on cultural and linguistic preservation.

However, the struggle for independence was also only partially successful. The Irish Revolution of 1916-1923 ended with partial autonomy for 26 of the 32 counties, but partition left the North under a supremacist Protestant government. Britain maintained influence in the South by supporting conservative forces during the 1922-23 Civil War. As a result, Kevin O’Higgins, one of the leaders of the conservative wing, later claimed they were “the most conservative-minded revolutionaries that ever put through a successful revolution.”

The legacy of colonialism, and the failure to forge a truly radical path, still haunts Ireland. The division of the island has stifled democracy, rather than stimulating it, and exacerbated economic imbalances. The West, where the Irish language remains strongest, has been hit hard by emigration due to a lack of economic opportunities, while Dublin dominates much of the country’s economic activity. Meanwhile, the Irish elite, often serving the interests of global financial powers rather than the local population, have shifted their allegiances from Britain to U.S. multinational corporations.

This has led to an economy overly reliant on foreign direct investment, with dire consequences for ordinary people. Housing, healthcare, education, and the cost of living are in crisis, and this has left room for the rise of fascism. In the North, the intransigence and threats of Unionist elements hold back self-determination, progressive change and deny Irish speakers their basic language rights.

In the South, the use of Shannon Airport for the transport of arms to the Israeli Zionist state, facilitating the slaughter of Palestinians, and the increasing military influence of NATO, the EU, and the US, threatens Ireland’s long-standing policy of neutrality. This policy, rooted in an anti-colonial understanding and a rejection of empire, is at risk of being undermined

The Scottish Gaelic poet Sorley MacLean once referred to the “bitter legacy” of colonialism, noting how it endangered indigenous languages, drove emigration, and empowered “the porters of international big business.” This same colonial legacy continues to shape Ireland’s struggles today.

That said, if autonomy had not been gained in 1922, the challenges facing Ireland – particularly the social problems I alluded to – would, without doubt, be far greater, and neutrality would not even exist. We would be unwilling participants in Empire.

Looking to the future, there is reason for optimism. Demographic shifts in the North of Ireland have made the possibility of a united Ireland more realistic than ever before. Even right-wing and centrist political parties in the South have little opposition to the idea, though many underestimate the challenges ahead.

The Good Friday Agreement of 1998 stipulates that a referendum on reunification can only take place if the British Secretary of State for Northern Ireland believes a majority would vote in favour of it—a hurdle that will not be easily overcome.

While Ireland has come a long way from its days under colonial rule, the country still grapples with the effects of that inheritance. Nevertheless, with increasing momentum towards reunification and an increasingly left-leaning youth, not as shackled by a post-colonial syndrome as previous generations, the country stands at a pivotal moment in its history.

James Connolly, born in Scotland to Irish parents in Cowgate in this city, spoke about a rejection of centralised and imperial states when he referred to ‘a free federation of free peoples’. Ireland, like the other nations gathered here today, has an opportunity to forge such a ‘free federation’ in the coming years. In fact, we must – the alternatives will be catastrophic. So we must struggle for self-determination, democracy, for the republic and for true decolonisation, free from external influence and Empire. Bíodh Misneach againn. Beir Bua.

Bhailigh Gaeil Bhleá Cliath, agus cuid de mhuintir an Chadhnaigh, le chéile chun ómós a thabhairt d’fhathach na nGael. Ba é seo an cheathrú huair as a chéile a reáchtáil Misneach BÁC an comóradh.

Thug Domhnall Mac Concharraige an príomh-oráid, a dhírigh sé ar staid na teanga i láthair na huaire. Leagadh roinnt lilí ag uaigh an Chadhnaigh sular canadh Amhrán na bhFiann.

Breathnaigh ar an óráid anseo:

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Ó Cadhain Commemoration 2024

Dublin Irish speakers, and some of Ó Cadhain’s relatives, gathered to pay tribute to this giant of the Gaelic world. This is the fourth year that Misneach BÁC have organised the commemoration.

Domhnall Mac Concharraige gave the main oration, which focussed on the current state of the language. Some lilies were then laid at Ó Cadhain’s grave, before Amhrán na bhFiann was sung.

Chuaigh gníomhaithe Misneach BÁC i mbun gnímh díchoilínithe inniu chun comharthaí sráide impiriúlacha agus caipitleacha gan mhaith a chlúdach agus cinn Gaelacha a chuir ina n-áit.

Breis agus 100 bliain i ndiaidh bunú an stáit, tá rianta an impiriúlachais le sonrú go fóill i gcuid dár logainmneacha. Tá ómós tugtha go fóill do lárionad cumhachta Shasana ar nós Westminster agus do chlanna ríoga agus a gcuid giollaí – leithéidí Tudor, Mountjoy agus Windsor – ar shráideanna agus cearnóga na hardchathrach.

Parlaimint agus clanna iad seo a chuaigh i mbun, nó a thug caoinchead, don scrios a rinneadh ar na Gaeil, ar ár dteanga agus ar an gcultúr Gaelach.

Is deacair ar shochaí bogadh chun cinn go síceolaíoch nuair atá rianta siombalacha an impiriúlachais mar seo le feiceáil inár dtírdhreach agus thart orainn go fóill.

Anuas air sin, tá fabht an chaipitleachais, a scriosann logainmneacha ársa, le sonrú sna hainmneacha gan chiall a chuirtear ar eastáit agus bloic árasáin nua.

Seachas ainmneacha a bhfuil nasc acu lenár n-oidhreacht, molann forbróirí ainmneacha gan nasc ar bith leis an gceantar nó na logainmneacha Gaelacha, agus gan samhlaíocht ar bith, ar nós ‘Parklands’ ‘Falcon’s View’ agus ‘The Coast’. Meastar go bhfuil ‘luach’ ag baint le hainmneacha cosúil leis seo agus áitreabh á ndíol sa mhargadh tithíochta.

Is léir go bhfuil ag teip ar choistí comhairleacha ainmniúcháin ag leibhéal na gcomhairlí contae smacht a choinneáil ar an bpróiseas seo. Mar sin, is fúinne atá sé aird a tharraingt ar na laigeachtaí seo.

Tá borradh faoi na healaíona Gaeilge i láthair na huaire, agus léiríonn suirbhé i ndiaidh suirbhé an tobar dea-thola don Ghaeilge i measc an phobail. Ach níl an stát ag gníomhú dá réir sin, bíodh sin i dtaobh comharthaí sráide, nó i dtaobh rudaí níos práinní ar nós líon na gcainteoirí laethúla sa Ghaeltacht nó an ghéarchéim sa chóras oideachais agus earnáil gaelscolaíochta.

An phríomhchúis leis na heaspaí seo, ná easpa spéise an rialtais in aon phróiseas díchoilínithe. Cé gur athraíodh roinnt logainmneacha san fhichiú haois, is beag cinn a athraíodh le déanaí.

Tugann muid suntas do na hathruithe a rinneadh le blianta beaga anuas sa Bhreatain Bheag, áit ar athraíodh na ‘Brecon Beacons’ go Bannau Brycheiniog agus ‘Snowdon’ go ‘Yr Wyddfa’.

Fáiltíonn muid roimh ainm na páirce náisiúnta nua i gCorca Dhuibhne, Páirc Náisiúnta na Mara. Ach cé go bhfuil Brainse agus Coiste Logainmneacha ar an bhfód chun comhairle a thabhairt faoi na teideal cearta ar logainmneacha i nGaeilge, tá sé thar am tús áite a thabhairt do logainmneacha Gaelacha agus fáil réidh leis na lipéid impiriúlacha agus caipitleacha gan chiall, bíodh sin thíos faoin tuath nó ar shráideanna na bailte agus na cathracha.

Ba chóir don stát Aonad Díchoilínithe a bhunú chuige sin – aonad a thabharfadh aghaidh ní hamháin ar Ghaelú na logainmneacha ar bhealach céimiúil ach a dhíríodh ar bhearta díchoilínithe níos práinní fiú, amhail tógáil lonnaíochtaí lán-Ghaeilge.

Ag obair as lámha na Roinne Tithíochta, agus na hÚdaráis Áitiúla, d’fhéadfadh a leithéid d’Aonad Díchoilínithe suímh feiliúnacha do lonnaíochtaí lán-Ghaeilge a aithint agus na pobail a mbeadh le cónaí iontu a thabhairt le chéile.

Ach, mar is eol dúinn, ní spéis leis an stát nuachoilíneach atá ag bánú ceantair Gaeltachta, ag maolú fás na Gaelscolaíochta, agus atá breá sásta le ceannasaíocht an Bhéarla inár dtírdhreach, beart dá leithéid a chuir i gcríoch.

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Imperialist/Capitalist Street Signs Covered by Misneach

Misneach Dublin activists have undertaken a decolonial action today, covering imperial and capitalist street signs and replacing them with Irish ones.

Over 100 years since the foundation of the state, the rot of imperialism is still evident in our placenames. Deference is still paid to the centre of English Power such as Westminster and to the royal family and their servants – the likes of Tudor, Mountjoy, and Windsor – on the city’s streets and squares.

This parliament and these families undertook, or facilitated, the destruction of the Irish, our language and Gaelic culture.

It is difficult for a society to move forward psychologically when there’s evidence of imperialist symbolism still visible in our landscapes and all around us.

Moreover, the poison of capitalism, which destroys ancient placenames, can be seen in the meaningless names that are applied to new estates and apartment blocks.

Instead of names that have a link with our heritage, developers suggest names that have no connection to the area or to Gaelic placenames, without any imagination such as ‘Parklands’, ‘Falcon’s View’ and ‘The Coast’. It’s assumed that there is “value” in these names when property is being sold in the housing market.

It’s obvious that advisory committees at the level of the county councils have lost control of this process. Therefore, it’s up to us to address these weaknesses.

Irish Language arts are currently thriving and surveys consistently show a huge amount of support for the Irish language. However, the State is not acting in line with this, whether that’s in terms of street signage, or more pressing issues like the number of remaining native speakers in the Gaeltacht or the crisis in the education system and the gaelscoil sector.

The main reason for these deficiencies is the lack of interest by the State in any decolonial process. Although some placenames were changed in the 20th century, few have been changed since then.

We note the changes in recent years made in Wales, where na ‘Brecon Beacons’ was changed to Bannau Brycheiniog and ‘Snowdon’ to ‘Yr Wyddfa’.

We welcome the name of the new national park in Corca Dhuibhne being called Páirc Náisiúnta na Mara. But although there a Branch and Committee for Placenames exists to advise on the correct titles for placenames in Irish, it is high time priority was given to Irish-language placenames and the imperial and meaningless capitalist names were replaced, whether that be in rural areas or on the streets of our towns and cities.

The state should establish a Decolonial Unit to conducht this work – a unit which would set about not only Gaelicizing our placenames in a graduated fashion but would also undertake more pressing decolonial actions, such as developing communities of Irish-speakers by constructing housing.

Working hand in hand with the Housing Department, and with local authorities, such a Decolonial Unit could locate suitable sites for housing for Irish-speakers and bring together those who would live in them.

But, as we know, the neo-colonial state which is depopulating Gaeltacht areas, hampering the growth of the Gaelscoil sector, and is more than happy to continue with the dominance of English in our landscape, has little interest in carrying out such actions. Therefore, it is up to the Irish-speaking public to highlight these deficiencies.

Tá tóir ar an eagrán is déanaí de Mionlach, Eagrán #14. Tá an t-eagrán ar fáil sna háiteachaí seo a leanas ar €3 nó £2 an chóip.

Nó is féidir cinn a cheannach anseo ar an suíomh i gcónaí.

Má tá moltaí ag Gaeil faoi shiopaí nó áiteachaí a mbeadh sásta glacadh le cóipeanna den iris, is féidir scéal a chuir chuig eolas@misneachabu.ie

Every so often ‘journalists’ in the Twenty-Six Counties deign to allow discourse on the Irish language in the English-language media. The release of census results every five years usually stirs up some discussion on the state of the language in modern Ireland, before the question is then forgotten about for another few years.

More often than not, the purpose of discussing the Irish language is motivated, not by a need to find ways in which to promote our native tongue, but instead, and as with many other topics aired by the media, the purpose is to stir controversy.

This motivation, arising from a colonial loathing of the Irish language, is done consciously and with purpose. We do not need to stray too far into the past to see examples of this, we only have to look to last week with the repeated attacks by Newstalk presenters against the language and the incoherent ramblings of journalist Brenda Power on RTÉ’s Upfront programme.

On the show, Power claimed that the Irish language was ‘dead’, despite the clear evidence of its continued survival both as a community language and in various spheres of Irish society, from the education system straight through to the media.

On other occasions this process of denigration operates at a subconscious level and is couched in terms of ‘humour’. The bizarre ‘bit’ on last Saturday’s Late Late Show in which US presenter Conan O’Brien was coaxed into mocking the Irish-language names of people in the audience was an illustration of this self-loathing colonial cringe. Evidently, the Anglocentric mind finds great amusement in different languages having different phonetic systems.

In the Six Counties, this colonial opposition manifests in unionist hostility to every aspect of the Irish language, with the current point of focus of this being fervent unionist opposition to the erection of bilingual signage in Belfast and in other urban centres.

Although there is a spectrum of usage, the Irish language essentially operates on two interlinked levels in Ireland – within the education system and outside the education system.

Many sociolinguists maintain that languages which are robust will see high levels of intergenerational transmission and community usage. This mainly occurs in the Gaeltachtaí, although these areas are under serious threat due to their historic marginalisation, lack of infrastructure, and lack of democracy in how they are run.

Despite the overall importance of the Gaeltachtaí as a fount of the language for speakers elsewhere, both linguistically and in terms of Gaeltacht natives involved in Irish-language media and education, little time is given in the English-language media to discussing the maintenance of these areas.

The impact of the housing crisis, the blight of holiday homes, the lack of broadband, poor infrastructure such as roads and quays, an over-reliance on the fickle tourist industry to sustain the economy, and the progress of the language planning process are all issues that should be up for discussion when talking about the future of the Gaeltachtaí.

However, one topic that the English-language media does regularly discuss is the matter of ‘compulsory Irish’ within the education system. Undue focus on this aspect of the discussion around the Irish language pleases the old guard anti-Gaeilge types resentful at having been ’forced’ to read Peig in the 1970s.

Such discussions rarely deal in facts and almost always bring myths around the language to the fore. One contributor on RTÉ’s Upfront programme that discussed ‘compulsory Irish’ bizarrely stated that he was a huge fan of history, yet appeared almost enthusiastic to see the death of the Irish language.

Gladly, as illustrated by numerous surveys over the years, such viewpoints are in the minority and most people are in favour of continued state support for the Irish language in the education system.Play

The Department of Education is to blame for much of the ire that is directed at the teaching of Irish within the education system in the Twenty-Six Counties.

Since the Twenty-Six County economy began to shift towards a more globalised system in the 1960s, the Department has consistently eroded the status of the Irish language within English-medium schools.

The updated curriculum recently published by the Department removed a further half an hour of Irish instruction from the time allocated to subjects for English-medium schools. There is much talk of reforming ‘teaching methods’ for Irish, but the amount of time required to acquire the language is key, and this has been constantly eroded over the last number of decades by the Department.

One commentator recently noted that the Department is seeking to “kill the Irish language by stealth” within the education system. The lax derogations system recently introduced for students who do not wish to take Irish at Leaving Certificate level confirms this.

Tens of thousands of students are now opting out of learning Irish on spurious grounds, despite the Department of Education being warned that this would happen.

Moreover, the Department and others who support this derogations system and who argue against Irish being a core subject, use spurious arguments citing ‘multiculturalism’ and ‘inclusivity’ to state that foreign born students be allowed to opt out of learning Irish. This is in fact a racist policy, the real essence of which is the belief that people who arrive from overseas are not be capable of learning Irish, or have no interest in integrating into Irish society through acquiring Irish.

The same Department has also consistently stood in the way of the founding of gaelscoileanna. Between 25% to 50% of parents in the Twenty-Six Counties would send their children to a gaelscoil or gaelcholáiste if given the opportunity, yet 102 years after the founding of the state only 8% have this opportunity.

Removing Irish as a core subject in the wider-education system will only erode the Irish language further, it will not “allow those who are serious about it, to study it” as some may claim. It will only remove the option for the many who want to study.

‘Compulsory Irish’ provides a decent foundation on which to expand the teaching of Irish.

More resources need to be put into the teaching of Irish in English-medium schools, with the progressive phasing in of the teaching of some subjects through Irish. In combination with this, a critical mass of gaelscoileanna should be built up to provide a real foothold of competency in the language for hundreds of thousands of people across the state.

More immediately, and away from the focus on ‘compulsory Irish’, those Gaeltachtaí which are under severe pressure need to receive increased investment from the state in the form of Universal Public Housing and the provision of local services, two measures which will sustain the next generation of Irish speakers who use the language as a communal one.

The re-establishment of Irish as an everyday living language can only work if it is led by a community driven movement, adequately resourced by state funding that is ring-fenced and secure.

Seo thíos litir a scríobh ball de chuid Misneach, Ben Ó Ceallaigh, a foilsíodh i nuachtán ar an Oileán Mhanann. Cé go mbaineann an t-ábhar le heachtra ar leith ar an oileán, tá lón machnaimh sa litir do gach éinne atá ag plé le cúrsaí frith-faisisteacha sa Ghaeltacht, sna tíortha Ceilteacha agus níos faide i gcéin.

The recent publicity given by The Isle of Man Examiner to a dangerous fascist group which is actively trying to recruit on the island, including reproducing their leaflets in full and distributing them on social media, shows a blatant disregard for the welfare of those targeted by fascists and a complete lack of understanding of how these ideas take root. Indeed, the front page of the paper was described by one of the leaders of the group as “amazing publicity” in a recent social media post.

While most readers will recognise fascist ideas for the bile that they are, it only takes a small percentage to be persuaded for people’s lives to be at very real risk. Famously, in the week after the leader of the fascist British National Party was disgraced on Question Time in 2009, 3,000 people applied to join the party – a tiny percentage of the eight million who watched, but a huge increase in absolute numbers for a fringe neo-nazi group. This is the risk of publicising ideas that present an existential threat to all that is decent in society. Across the world, laws proscribe hate speech, incitement to violence and other unacceptable actions such as marketing tobacco to children – very few people are truly “free speech absolutists” who oppose such measures. Likewise, such is the nature of the “paradox of tolerance”, as philosopher Karl Popper called it, that we must not extend freedom of speech to fascists, who will deny this very right to others at the first chance. Reproducing their propaganda and circulating it to a huge audience as The Isle of Man Examiner has done is politically illiterate and utterly ignorant of the nature of the fascist threat. This matter is especially serious given the context of the recent fearmongering about sex education in the QEII High School in Peel.

Groups such as the one recently reported on aim to sow division and hate, scapegoating the most vulnerable in society for problems which are caused by an economic system that makes the lives of so many so difficult. In presenting immigrants and refugees as responsible for issues such as the housing crisis or austerity, fascists serve as useful idiots for the powerful, distracting attention from the real source of people’s woes. As Max Horkheimer, a Jewish refugee from nazi Germany, famously wrote in 1939, “whoever is not prepared to talk about capitalism should also remain silent about fascism”.

As has often been noted, rather than beginning with death camps, fascism ends with them. By giving such an enormous platform to a nauseating white supremacist group, the Isle of Man Examiner has unwittingly contributed to the growth of this ideology, and in doing so put at risk immigrants, people of colour, LGBT+ people, trade unionists and many more who fall afoul of the disgusting ideas spread by fascist groups. Let this mistake not be made again, and all their propaganda removed from the paper’s online presence immediately.

Anti-fascism is self-defence. No pasarán – cha jed ad shaghey!

An Dr. Ben Ó Ceallaigh

Ollscoil Aberystwyth

Reáchtáladh cruinniú ar cheist na Lonnaíochtaí Lán-Ghaeilge i mBaile Átha Cliath san Ardchathair le déanaí. Ba in Institiúid na hÉireann ar Shráid an Phiarsaigh a thit an cruinniú amach.

Ba é Ciarán Dunbar, údar an leabhair Síolta, an príomhaoi. Ina theannta bhí Mícheál Ó Nualláin, Stiúrthóir Bhaile Átha Cliath le Gaeilge, Simon Ó Donnabháin ó Chraobh Chonradh na Gaeilge Inse Chóir agus an gníomhaí tithíochta agus Oifigeach Bhaile Átha Cliath Misneach Pádraig Mac Oscair. Bhí Oisín Mac Giolla Bhríde ina chathaoirleach ar an bpainéal.

D’aontaigh gach éinne ar an bpainéal go bhfuil géarghá pobal Gaeilge níos láidre a thógáil i mBaile Átha Cliath – pobal atá in ann feidhmiú mar dhlúthphobal, áit a gcloistear an Ghaeilge amuigh ar an tsráid agus áit a ndéantar seachadadh idirghlúine ar an teanga. Tá a leithéid de phobal de dhíth, óir ní leor na líonraí teanga iontu féin, a dúradh.

Labhair Dunbar ar an taighde a rinne sé dá leabhar agus tá cuid mhaith den óráid a thug sé siúd le fáil faoina bhun seo. An bhunphointe a bhí aige, i dteannta cinn eile, ná gur féidir dlúthphobal Gaeilge a bhunú, óir tá sé tarlaithe cheana, ach díriú isteach ar an tionscadal sin agus air sin amháin. Mhaígh sé chomh maith gur chóir do mhná a bheith i gcroílár aon tionscadal dá leithéid.

Ag trácht ar a dheacair is a mbeadh sé dlúthphobal a bhunú i mBaile Átha Cliath, mhol Dunbar, san am i láthair, go mbogfadh Gaeil chuig ceantair ar leith ina bhfuil céatadán níos airde ná an meán de lucht labhartha na Gaeilge cheana. Tátal eile a bhí aige ná nach bhféadfaí brath ar an stát chun gníomh fiúntach ar bith ar son na tithíochta Gaelaí a chur i gcrích.

Dhírigh Ó Nualláin ar an méid a bhí ar siúil ag BÁC le Gaeilge ó tháinig an foth-eagraíocht ar an bhfód le déanaí. Tá neart ar bun chun gnólachtaí na cathrach a spreagadh i dtreo na Gaeilge agus tá toradh le feiceáil i gceantair áirithe, cuir i gcás Bóthar na gCloch, mar a luaigh Mac Giolla Bhríde, áit a mbíonn oíche Ghaelach rialta i gceann de na tithe tábhairne, agus seirbhís Gaeilge le fáil i gceann nó dhó eile, a chuireann le beocht na teanga sa cheantar – ceantair ina bhfuil dlús áirithe de lucht labhartha na Gaeilge cheana.

Rinne Ó Donnabháin rianú ar an méid a bhí déanta ag an gcraobh aige in Inse Chóir agus i nDroimneach, áit a mbíonn an-rath ar na hoícheanta Pop-Up Gaeltacht agus áit a bhfuil obair stuama ar bun chun Áras Chonradh na Gaeilge ar Chorrán Grattan a athchóiriú agus a chur ar fáil do phobal na Gaeilge sa cheantar máguaird arís.

Labhair Pádraig Mac Oscair faoi na deacrachtaí a bhain le spás poiblí a athghabháil i gcathair atá báite faoi thionchar an chaipitleachais. Mar sin féin, luaigh sé samplaí idirnáisiúnta inar éirigh le saoránaigh an athghabháil sin a chur i gcrích ainneoin iad a bheith ag snámh in aghaidh easa.

Ar an mórgóir ba chruinniú thar a bheith dearfach é agus slua maith, idir óg agus aosta, i láthair – slua as a dtáinig roinnt mhaith moltaí fiúntacha chomh maith.

Tríd is tríd, is léir go bhfuil deiseanna ann an pobal Gaeilge i mBaile Átha Cliath a dhlúthú agus, fiú, Gaelphobal uirbeach a thógáil. Mar a luaigh Mac Giolla Bhríde, tá níos mó cainteoirí laethúla Gaeilge i gCathair Bhaile Átha Cliath ná áit ar bith eile ar domhain.

Beidh Misneach BÁC ag bualadh le chéile go rialta chun an chéid chéim eile den tionscadal seo a phleanáil sna mionnaí amach romhainn. Ach, le cúramaí eile an tsaoil orainn mar ghníomhaithe deonacha, is obair mhall a bheas ann, gan aon agó. De réir a chéile a thógtar na caisleáin.

Óráid Chiarán Dunbar:

Go raibh maith agaibh as deis a thabhairt dom labhairt libh. Go raibh maith agaibh as spéis a chur sa leabhar Síolta ach thar rud ar bith eile, go raibh maith agaibh as spéis a chur i scéalta an lucht oibre, muintir Phobal Feirste, agus muintir Ard Barra cuir i gcás.

Na daoine a rinne é – na daoine a chuir athneartú na Gaeilge i gcrích – na daoine a d’éirigh leo dlúthphobail a thógáil, Gaelphobail a chruthú agus go leor eile ina dhiaidh sin.

Na daoine a d’éist leis na focail is a ghníomhaigh dá réir.

A chairde, d’ainneoin ár n-iarrachtaí tá an Ghaeilge ag fáil bháis – sin an drochscéal.

Is é an dea-scéal ná go bhfuil sé de chumhacht againne go léir sin a stopadh – má bhriseann muid amach ón dearcadh atá againn.

Is gá cinneadh a dhéanamh maireachtáil mar Ghaeil agus – is an cinneadh sin glactha – gníomhú dá réir.

Is gá páistí a thógáil le teanga na nGael nó caillfear í – ná bíodh aon amhras ort faoi sin – ná bíodh aon smaoineamh agat gur féidir le Gaeilge maireachtáil i gcomhthéacs iar-nua-aimsearach mar dhara-theanga go deo.

Ach chun go sealbhódh páistí teanga ar bith mar is ceart, tá pobail de dhíth, tá dlús de dhíth, tá dlúthphobal de dhíth. Ní hé sin mo thuairim – sin bun-shochtheangeolaíocht.

Uime sin, is gá dúinn na pobail atá ann faoi láthair, go fóill, a chosaint AGUS cinn úra a chruthú – ní eolaíocht roicéid é.

Seo an rud a chreidim, seo a rud a d’fhoghlaim mé.

Is fearr dlúthphobal beag de chainteoirí Gaeilge, fiú má tá sé bídeach, chun labhairt na teanga agus aistriú na teanga go dtí an chéad ghlúin eile a éascú ná gréasán mór de chainteoirí scaipthe.

Cuspóirí

Is iad na trí chuspóir a ba cheart a bheith ag gluaiseacht na Gaeilge agus eagraíochtaí Gaeilge ar aon (go háitiúil agus go náisiúnta) ná:

·        Líon cainteoirí laethúla a mhéadú

·        Páistí a bhfuil an Ghaeilge acu mar chéad-teanga a mhéadú

·        Ceantair labhartha Gaeilge a chaomhnú / a fhorbairt

Dlúthú nó dlús an aidhm leis na cuspóirí sin sa mheán-tréimhse. Is é an aidhm leis an dlúthú ná ‘mais chriticiúil’ a bhaint amach.

Is é mo thuiscint féin ar mhais chriticiúil i gcás na Gaeilge ná go gcaithfidh céatadán na gcainteoirí laethúla a bheith an-ard ar fad chun cúinsí a bhaint amach ina mbeadh sé iomlán riachtanach an Ghaeilge a bheith ag duine chun páirt iomlán a ghlacadh sa phobal – sin is fíor-chiall le teanga phobail.

Mar sin de, dul chun cinn ó thaobh méadú críche de, sin an t-aon chritéar is fiú a úsáid le tomhas a dhéanamh ar na hiarrachtaí a dhéantar chun aistriú teanga a aisiompú.

Baile Átha Cliath

Maidir le Baile Átha Cliath – agus níor chónaigh mé riamh anseo agus níl aithne ceart agam ar an chathair – ach tá trí rogha ann measaim don Ghael atá ag iarraidh bogadh chun tosaigh chuig réaltacht Ghaelach, chuig cúinsí ina bhfuil an Ghaeilge beo go hiomlán, chuig pobail inár féidir seachadadh idir-ghlúine na teanga – chuig díchoilíniú coincréiteach seachas dioscúrsach.

Is iad seo a leanas na roghanna:

·        bogadh na Gaeltachta

·        Scéim tithíochta / lonnaíocht a bhunú

·        nó dlúthú go neamh-fhoirmeálta – is é sin le rá  – díreach bogadh go dtí an ceantar is láidre Gaeilge i mBÁC

Is dóigh liom gurb é an tríú cheann an rogha is éascú ag an phointe seo i mBÁC.

Amharcaimis ar na cinn eile. Bogadh na Gaeltachta – moladh Deasún Fennell – an imirce mór siar.  Tá ciall leis.  Tá an Ghaeltacht á phlandáil ag Béarlóirí cibé ar bith – is rogha é – ach ní ábhar na cainte seo é sin.

Amharcaimis ar Ghaelphobal – cad atá riachtanach?

Seo an teoiric a leag mé síos i gconclúid Shíolta.

Gaelphobail

Má ghlactar samplaí Bóthar Seoighe agus Ard Barra mar eiseamláirí, agus má ghlactar leis go bhfuil dul chun cinn as an ghnáth déanta acu ó thaobh labhairt na Gaeilge a chur chun cinn de, feictear go mbíonn ceithre ghné ar leith ann ar a bhfuil ‘Gaelphobail’ úra (idir phobail sainleasa agus phobail taobh istigh de limistéir thíreolaíochta) bunaithe.

·        Gaelscoil(eanna)

·        ‘Cultúrlann’ / Club Sóisialta nó Spórt

·        Ionad Gnó / Institiúid

·        Dlús cainteoirí

Maidir le dlús cainteoirí, cén dóigh le sin a dhéanamh? Tá trí bhealach ann:

·        Sciar suntasach den phobal a thiontú ina nGaeilgeoirí

·        Gaeilgeoirí a lonnú i gceantar ar leith

·        Scéim tithíochta

Níl rud ar bith acu sin dodhéanta. Tá siad déanta agus tá siad á ndéanamh. Is é an dúshlán ná iad a dhéanamh san áit chéanna.

Maidir le daoine a mhealladh chuig scéim nó ceantar tá dhá rogha ann – dream beag daoine atá an-chosúil le chéile a mhealladh nó iarracht a dhéanamh go leor daoine éagsúla a mhealladh.

Rinneadh an dá rud i mBóthar Seoighe feictear dom.

Ní raibh aon idé-eolaíocht oifigiúil i gceist ach an Ghaeilge agus is iomaí tuairim polaitiúil ann. Mar sin féin, admhaím go rabh cúlra an-chosúil le chéile ag muintir na scéime.

Maidir le scéim, an bhfuil muid ag caint ar fhorbairt déanta a cheannach? An bhfuil muid ag caint ar thalamh a cheannach agus iarraidh ar fhorbróir an obair a dhéanamh nó an bhfuil muid ag caint ar thalamh a cheannach agus iarraidh ar Ghaeil, go deonach ar ndóigh, le saineolas an ceadúnas pleanála a fháil? An bhfuil muid ag iarraidh ar Ghaeil a bhfuil saineolas airgeadais aici cabhrú leis an taobh sin de? Iarraidh ar aturnae cabhrú go deonach? Scileanna tógála a fhoghlaim? Togálaithe le Gaeilge a mhealladh chun a bheith ag obair go deonach?

Dodhéanta a deir daoine.

Ach Cumann Lúthchleas Gael an freagra atá agam ar sin, an INF, Comharchumann Creidmheasa. Tá samplaí ann d’obair mheithil i gcónaí.

Gan trácht ar mhuintir Bhóthar Seoighe a fuair iasacht chun an talamh a cheannach, a fuair ailtire le Gaeilge agus dlíodóir le Gaeilge chun cabhrú leo agus a thóg tithe s’acu féin le lámha s’acu féin.

Is féidir é.

Thóg muintir Bhóthar Seoigh dhá theach is fiche agus cuireadh splanc le réabhlóid teanga. Tá an cheantar iomlán Gaelaithe.

Ceantar ina mbeadh stádas na mórtheanga ag an mhionteanga é Gaelphobal, ceantair ina mbeadh cearta ag lucht na Gaeilge, ceantair nach mbeadh ar Ghaeil géilleadh do Bhéarlóirí go huathoibríoch.

Ceantair dhíchoilínithe – ceantair ina bhfuil athneartú na Gaeilge curtha i gcrích.

Dul chun cinn ó thaobh méadú críche de, sin an t-aon chritéar is fiú a úsáid le tomhas a dhéanamh ar na hiarrachtaí a dhéantar chun aistriú teanga a aisiompú. Tá gach critéar tomhais eile tánaisteach, óir tá pobal agus dlús de dhíth ar shealbhú teanga agus ar sheachadadh teanga ó ghlúin go glúin.

Ní féidir le mionteanga mionlaithe maireachtáil, tá gach mionteanga ag fáil bháis, caithfidh an mionteanga tiontú ina mórtheanga. Ní féidir sin i dtéarma ginearálta ach seans gur féidir leis spásanna a chothú ina féidir leis a bheith ina mórtheanga.

Caithfear meath teanga a thuiscint mar cheist chríche go príomha óir gan pobail aitheanta ar leith ina bhfuil lámh in uachtar ag an teanga sin (maidir le líon cainteoirí agus ceannas sochaíoch araon), ní féidir leis an teanga sin maireachtáil san fhadtéarma.

Mura bhfuil ann ach gréasáin cainteoirí, imeoidh siad de réir a chéile go bunúsach, beag beann ar cé chomh dílis atá siad don teanga, mar gheall ar easpa seachadta idirghlúine nó teip ar an seachadadh idirghlúine.

Uime sin, caithfear dlúthú cainteoirí a bheith ina aidhm acu sin atá ag iarraidh aistriú teanga a aisiompú, chun tearmann a chruthú do na cainteoirí sin, chun ceannas na teanga i ngach réimse den dlúthphobal sin a chinntiú, agus rud a dhéanfadh seachadadh idirghlúine na teanga sin a éascú.

Ceist chríche is ea athréimniú teanga agus caithfear é a mheas sa chaoi sin. Tá seans ann áfach go sílfeadh cuid áirithe de chainteoirí Gaeilge go bhfuil an dearcadh agus an cur chuige sin achrannach, fiú sa chás ina n-aontaíonn siad leis an loighic taobh thiar de.

I ndeireadh na dála áfach, an bunús moráltachta atá leis an chur chuige sin, ní mór é a mheas mar phróiseas chun éagóir stairiúil a chur ina ceart, chomh maith le gníomh atá riachtanach ó thaobh na praiticiúlachta de.

Sa dara dul síos, ba chóir do lucht na Gaeilge a bheith feasach gur beag duine in Éirinn a mheasann gur fadhb é galldú na Gaeltachta, próiseas atá ag dul ar aghaidh le blianta anuas.

Meastar gur cearta absalóideacha iad an ceart chun dul a chónaí in cibé áit ba mhaith leat agus an ceart chun Béarla amháin a bheith agat agus a labhairt.

Ní bhítear ag smaoineamh ar an Ghaeltacht nó ar aon ghá teanga na háite a chothú.

Meastar gur ceart absalóideach é teach saoire a bheith ag duine freisin, d’ainneoin an tionchair a imríonn a leithéid ar na pobail óstacha agus d’ainneoin go mbíonn na tithe folamh bunús an ama. 

Uime sin, cén fáth a mbeadh fadhb mhorálta ag cainteoir Gaeilge le cainteoirí eile Gaeilge a bheith ag roghnú cur fúthu i gceantar ar leith? Agus ar an chaoi sin, ag athrú leagan amach teangeolaíochta an cheantair sin ar ais go dtí an teanga a labhródh ann go dtí le déanaí, ar feadh na mílte blianta?

Bheifí ann, tá mé ag meas, a bheadh míchompordach leis an choincheap ‘lonnú’, i. daoine a mhealladh chun cur fúthu i gceantar mar gheall ar an Ghaeilge.

Bheifí ann fosta, tá mé ag meas, a cheapfadh gur gníomh ‘saorga’ é an lonnú sin, gur rud mí-nádúrtha atá ann.

Tarlaíonn sé cheana áfach, gach lá, i saol na Gaeilge agus taobh amuigh de, is cuid den saol nua-aimseartha é.

Tá an dea-thoradh ar ‘lonnú’ san iar-Ghaeltacht soiléir. Tá na céadta daoine tar éis iad féin a lonnú i mBéal Feirste mar gheall ar an Ghaeilge, cuir i gcás.

Mheall fostaíocht a bhaineann leis an teanga go leor leor acu sin, iad meallta ag deiseanna staidéir agus oibre, sna meáin, in earnáil an oideachais agus in earnáil na n-eagras Gaeilge, gan trácht ar an saol sóisialta.

Chomh maith leis sin, tá ról nach beag á ghlacadh ag cainteoirí dúchais Gaeltachta i saol na Gaeilge i mBéal Feirste agus i mBaile Átha Cliath ó bhí tús na hathbheochana ann.

Mheall na Gaeltachtaí go leor Gaeilgeoirí siar fosta, agus bhí tionchar dearfach ag na daoine sin ar úsáid na Gaeilge ann.

Is fíor fosta áfach, go meallann deiseanna fostaíochta (agus an dea-shaol i gcoitinne) na mílte daoine eile chun cur fúthu sa Ghaeltacht, an chuid is mó acu gan Ghaeilge agus gan spéis acu í a fhoghlaim.

Ní chloistear mórán de raic faoi sin. Cé go ndéanann an imirce seo an-dochar don Ghaeilge, meastar go bhfuil sí go hiomlán inghlactha agus go mbeadh sé mí-ghlactha cur ina coinne, cé go ndéantar iarracht éigin sciar de thithíocht nua a chur i leataobh do lucht labhartha na teanga.

Ar a bharr sin, caithfear a chur san áireamh go bhfuil nádúr agus carachtar go leor leor bailte in Éirinn á n-athrú ag an imirce le daoine ag teacht isteach iontu mar gheall ar dheiseanna fostaíochta agus de bhrí go bhfuil siad gar do bhailte móra / cathracha agus de bhrí go bhfuil siad sa chrios comaitéireachta.

Arís, ní thógtar raic faoi, glactar leis mar ‘dhul chun cinn’. Ní mheastar go bhfuil siad saorga nó mí-nadúrtha.

Mar sin de, cén fáth a mothódh Gaeilgeoirí ciontach as teacht le chéile i mbaile éigin, ar bhóthar éigin, nó faoi scéim thithíochta a thógáil?

Is gá seachadadh idir-ghlúine chun teanga a choinneáil beo nó a athshealbhú, is gá dlúthphobal chun sin a éascú.

Meon an Lucht Oibre

Sílim go bhfuil meon an lucht oibre de dhíth chun Gaelphobal a thógáil – ní teoiricí, ní sochtheangeolaíocht. Tá scileanna an lucht oibre de dhíth, más ag iarraidh rud a thógáil sibh féin atá – siúinéireacht, bríceadóireacht srl.

Cuntasóirí, dlíodóirí de dhíth fosta cinnte ach tá fios an lucht oibre de dhíth. Iad siúd a bhfuil a fhios acu cén dóigh rudaí a dhéanamh.

‘Ceannaircigh gan ciall’ a bhí i muintir bhóthar Seoighe dar leo féin. Ach bhí idé-eolaíocht acu – chreid siad sa náisiún Gaelach.

Is mó de theoiric “ná habair é déan é” a bhíodh i gceist i gcónaí, gníomh seachas caint, a dúirt Séamus Mac Seáin liom ar na mallaibh.

Smaoinigh faoi na scileanna agus eolas a bheas de dhíth seachas ar na teoiricí a deirim. Bíodh aisling agat – ach cuir i gcrích é.

Bíodh idé-eolaíocht agat más gá, ach bíodh sé ina ghairm chun gnímh. Murab é sin cad atá ann ach teoiric, creideamh. Is é an gníomh a dhéanfas é a fhíorú nó a bhréagnadh.

An Phraiticiúlacht

Fadhb ollmhór i mBÁC ná cén dóigh airgead a bhailiú chun suíomh a cheannach, más ag tógáil a bheas duine?

Smaoinigh faoi na ceardchumainn. Sin bealach chun airgead a chruinniú. Dá mbeadh míle duine ag tabhairt €10 sa mhí, sin 120,000 sa bhliain. Tús maith leath na hoibre. Smaoinigh faoi chomhlacht a bhunú.

Bogadh chuig áit ar leith

Níl aon amhras ann – ní bheadh sé éasca scéim tithíochta – cibé caidé cineál rud a bheadh i gceist – a thógáil i mBÁC.

Mar sin de – seans gurbh é an rud is simplí gur féidir le Gaeil Bhaile Átha Cliath a dhéanamh ná pionna a chur i léarscáil agus cruinniú le chéile thart ar an cheantar áirithe sin – agus sa dóigh sin, dlús a chruthú sa chaoi sin, mar a bheadh China Town ann, nó Kilburn i Londain nó Woodside i New Eabharc agus mar sin de.

Mná

D’fhág mé an eilimint is tábhachtaí sa chaint seo go dtí an deireadh.

Tá a fhios agam nach bhfuil gach duine heitrighnéasach, tá a fhios agam nach teaghlach traidisiúnta gach caidreamh, grá nó gaol.

Ach is féidir liom rath agus teip gach iarracht a rinneadh chun Gaelphobal a thógáil a chur i bhfocal amháin – MNÁ.

Bíonn na fir chun tosaigh go cinnte – agus an scéal á rá – ach is iad na mná a thóg Ard Barra agus Bóthar Seoighe – agus na tithe fiú.

Tá mná de dhíth ar eagraíochta agus ar ghrúpa.

Is iad na mná a thóg Bóthar Seoighe agus Ard Barra. Is iad na mná a thug beatha 50 bliana do na pobail sin, más na fir a thóg Bunscoil phobal feirste go fisiciúil, ba iad na mná a thóg í mar scoil féin.

Is iad na mná an eochair, i gcónaí.

Focal scoir

Is féidir Gaelphobal a thógáil – déanann Béarlóirí Gallphobail a thógáil gach lá  é den tseachtain.

An bhfuil siad níos cliste ná mar atá muid – níl – ach is eol dóibh rudaí nach mbíonn ar eolas ag go leor Gaeilgeoirí.

Ach seo an rud, chun Gaelphobal a dhéanamh, bheadh ar dhaoine díriú ar an aidhm sin go hiomlán, ag déanamh neamhaird ar gach cúis eile, ag foghlaim cad a bheadh riachtanach a fhoghlaim, ag déanamh dearmad ar na rudaí nach bhfuil riachtanach.

Ach tá an deis ann i gcónaí fís a fhíorú. Ní féidir an domhain ar fad a chur ina cheart – ach is féidir rud beag de a chur ina cheart.

Ní féidir Éire ar fad a dhíchoilíniú, ach is féidir rud beag di a dhíchoilíniú, agus bheadh tionchar aige sin ar an saol mór.

Beannacht libh.

Deireadh seachtaine de scoith ag baill Misneach agus Trademark Belfast in Anagaire.

Ar mhianta Misneach, tá radacú Gael agus Gaelú radacach. Chuige sin, bhí seisiúin Ghaeilge againn do na ceardchumannaithe a bhí linn agus seisiúin pholatíochta/eacnamaíochta do bhaill Misneach.

Baineadh sult is sochar as an iomlán. Iontach buíoch do Scioból an Phobail as an fháras agus an as an bhia a sholáthar dúinn.

Sé seo an tarna bhliain a reáctháladh an deireadh seachtaine agus táimid ag tnúth leis an bhliain seo chugainn cheana féin.

Beidh Misneach BÁC ag reáchtáil comóradh ar Mháirtín Ó Cadhain an Satharn beag seo an 15ú Deireadh Fómhair i Reilg Chnoc Iaróm, BÁC 6.

Bhásaigh an Chadhnach ar an 18ú Deireadh Fómhair 52 bliain ó shin. Táimid, mar thír, mar Ghaeil, fós i bhfad uaidh fís an Chadhnaigh, fís den “Poblacht Shóisialach Ghaelach 32 Contae”.

Cé go ndéantar neart cur agus cúiteamh faoina litríocht i saol na Gaeilge, is annamh a gcloistear faoina bpolaitíocht. Ceann de na Gaeil is mó le rá san fhichiú haois, theastaigh poblacht shóisialach uaidh.

Beidh an staraí iomráiteach, Aindrias Ó Cathasaigh, mar chainteoir ag an gcomóradh agus tabharfaidh sé léargas ar shaol agus polaitíocht an Chadhnaigh.

Tá neart scríofa ag an gCathasach ar chúrsaí an eite chlé agus ar stair na Gaeilge, ina theannta dírbheathaisnéis den Chadhnach “Ag Samhlú Troda: Máirtín Ó Cadhain, 1905-70 (Coiscéim, 2002)”.

Fáilte roimh chách

Ag an bpléphainéal tábhachtach seo, pléifear na deiseanna, na castachtaí, na constaicí agus na féidearthachtaí a bhainfeadh le lonnaíocht lán-Ghaeilge a bhunú i mBaile Átha Cliath.

Tá a leithéid déanta cheana féin i mBéal Feirste agus i gCorcaigh agus tá na scéalta sin agus go leor cinn eile scrúdaithe go mion ag ár bpríomh-aoichainteoir Ciarán Dunbar, ina leabhar uathúil “Síolta”.

Beidh ionadaithe ó CATU, Baile Átha Cliath le Gaeilge agus Conradh na Gaeilge ar an bpainéal chomh maith. Tá níos mó cainteoirí laethúla Gaeilge i mBaile Átha Cliath ná áit ar bith eile ar domhain, mar sin cén fáth nach bhféadfadh muidne amhlaidh a dhéanamh anseo?

Céard a theastódh lena a leithéid d’fheachtas a thógáil? an mbeadh sé indéanta? Cén fáth ar éirigh nó nár éirigh le hiarrachtaí eile? Cé na céimeanna a bheadh le tógáil?Pléifear na ceisteanna sin uilig go léir agus tuilleadh nach iad ag an ócáid seo.

Mar sin, más mian leat do shaol a chaitheamh trí-Ghaeilge, gasúir a thógáil le Gaeilge, nó an teanga a chur chun cinn san ardchathair, bí linn!